The Judiciary Doesn’t Make the Top Ten

June 19, 2008

This Goldman Sachs report on 10 things India needs to do to achieve its potential (via) is pretty good. I have two quibbles with it, though.

  1. How come judicial reforms and clearing the backlog of cases didn’t make it to the list? I realise this is a subjective measure of value, but I would have though this was more important than increasing trade with neighbours or increasing the number of universities.
  2. Chart 18 on Page 17 is weird. Does the fourth category of cereals represent the weighted average of the first three categories (rice, maize and paddy), other cereals, or all cereals. Not that this distracts from the overall point of the graph, which is that agricultural productivity in India is pathetic. It’s just an irritating fog in an otherwise decent report.

Atal Bihari Vajkitteh

May 7, 2008

Anybody remember how in the 2004 general elections, the Congress put character attack on Atal Bihari Vajpayee by spreading rumours that he ate beef using the immortal slogan ‘गाय हमारी माता है, अटल बिहारी खाता है’?

I realised only today how easily that slogan lends itself to LOLspeak.  It becomes ‘Atal Bihari had a mother… but he eated it.’


Political Anti-Beijing Activities

April 4, 2008

CNN-IBN is carrying a PTI report which is quoting a Xinhua report:

For the second time in less than a week, China has briefed India on the Tibet issue and said New Delhi has assured it that it would not tolerate any political anti-Beijing activities by Tibetans on the Indian territory.

 Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi spoke over phone to his Indian counterpart Pranab Mukherjee and exchanged views on bilateral relations, explaining Beijing’s “principled stand” on the Dalai Lama issue, the state media said on Thursday.

 “Mukherjee said the Tibet Autonomous Region is part of China’s territory and India will never tolerate any political anti-China activities by Tibetans on the Indian territory,” official Xinhua news agency reported.

 (IBNLive)

The best thing that can be said about this is that Xinhua is cooking up fundaes or exaggerating wildly. But if it’s true, it shows the craven nature of the UPA administration.

Since when is anti-anything politics a crime, leave alone anti-Beijing politics? Not tolerating military insurrections is understandable. Not tolerating anti-India politics also, though a free-speech libertarian like me would be cool with that too, as long as actual acts of treason weren’t being carried out. Hell, given the response so far to Naxalism, it seems as if the government doesn’t even care about anti-India civil war.

But where does the Indian government get off carrying out Chinese repression of free speech on Indian soil?

I hope somebody makes a stink about this. It should be interesting.


When You’re Appreciated by People like These

March 18, 2008

 … who needs condemnation?

China on Tuesday said that Tibet was a ”very sensitive issue” in Sino-Indian relations but appreciated New Delhi’s action against Tibetan pro-independence protests.

”The Tibetan issue is a very sensitive one in our relations with India,” Premier Wen Jiabao said at his maiden press conference at the ornate Great Hall of the People after being elected to a second five-year term.

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(PTI)


Salvor Hardin was Right

March 10, 2008

BJP and RSS workers have attacked the CPI(M) office in New Delhi, apparently in retaliation for the CPI(M) killing BJP workers in Kerala.

The idiots haven’t done anything in parliament for the past four years. They’ve squandered the opportunity to attack the Congress for toeing the CPI(M)’s line, and the left for toeing China’s line. The Congress has gifted them issue after issue on which it’s bungled – inflation, PSU disinvestment, Naxal civil war, terrorism, the nuclear deal – and it’s done absolutely nothing with this cornucopia of issues to attack them on. They’ve wasted the past four years.

And now this. Violence truly is the last refuge of the incompetent.


More on the Debt Waiver

March 1, 2008

Since I’ve already expressed dismay and bad language about the debt waiver, let me expand a little.

(Writing this in a rush, so it won’t be entirely accessible to lay readers. Sorry about that. If you’re interested but confused, ask, and I’ll try to explain in the comments.)

For now, let’s ignore the fact that this rewards farmers who took bad decisions and punishes the farmers who’ve actually been diligent about repaying their loans, and so it’s set up all sorts of moral hazard. Let’s accept that indebtedness is making the poor suffer, that ending suffering is of prime importance, and that the ends justify the means.

There are problems with that at many levels. First, Ajay Shah points out, this will write off the debt of people who own land,  while the poorest of the poor don’t own land. This is helping the not-quite-rich, not the poor.

Over and above that, Business Standard had a report (not linking it, because it’ll disappear in a few weeks anyway) on how this doesn’t help the most heavily indebted farmers, because their landholdings are so small they can’t get bank loans, and have to rely on moneylenders.  This whole waiver is only going to end up benefiting large landholding farmers – not very well off, but certainly not the poorest of the poor, and the ones who’re suffering the most.

(Of course, all this assumes that the money allocated will actually go completely towards writeoffs. I’m not even sure where the 60,000 crore rupee figure came from.)

The second shady thing about the waiver is that there are no details on how the mechanics of it are going to work out. I think O P Bhat or someone has said that the loans are going to be swapped with government securities.

If this is true, it presumably means that a 60,000 crore rupee provision for credit losses spread across the banking system is magically going to turn into 60,000 crore rupees of capital. In effect, SBI and other PSU banks (or as Percy Mistry calls them, SOBs) are having their balance sheets recapitalised. And this is not being done through the capital markets, but by soaking the taxpayers. Nice.

I’ve just talked to Skimpy about this, and he’s pointed out that there are flaws in the details:

  1. Chidambaram might not give 60,000 crore rupees of G-secs for 60,000 crore rupees of bad debts. So the net worth could still fall.
  2. Against 60,000 crore rupees of bad loans, the actual provisioning might not actually be 60,000 crore rupees. I’m not sure about the current RBI rules for provisioning. I am tempted to leave this as ‘an exercise for the reader’, since I’m still too busy at work for the next month or so to devote time to finding out how much you have to provision, and what various swap ratios would be like. On the other hand, if the loan waiver is against provisions and not actual bad loans, then my point still holds.
  3. Chidambaram has apparently said that the waiver will be carried out over the next three years. So there may not be a waiver after all.

Fine. Readers, I leave it as an exercise to you, since I will be busy with mobile handset distributors and telecom switch importers and generic drug manufacturers over the next month.

But if my fundaes are correct, the loan waiver is stunning. If the government divests its stake in SOBs after doing this, it’s basically going to get a better valuation, which the taxpayers have funded. So the public at large will pay to get a better performing bank, when the risk should really have been taken up by people like ARCIL. Very, very shady.


Yep. We’re fucked.

March 1, 2008

Then I started hunting through the budget papers looking for a bulky entry of Rs.60,000 crore for the debt waiver. This is 1.1% of GDP. It isn’t there. So there’s another 1.1% of GDP that’s off balance sheet. Why isn’t it there? I suspect it was a last minute addition to the budget speech.

We’re then in the worst of all worlds. If these calculations are correct, we’re down to a central gross fiscal deficit of 4.6%. In other words, we failed to harness the great business cycle upturn of the recent years to do the fiscal consolidation in these good times. And, we did this in the worst possible way: by setting up a new level of mistrust of Indian public finance data.

(Ajay Shah)

Read the whole thing.


Even More on Land Sale Reform

February 5, 2008

Barun Mitra has a Mint oped today on why not allowing the free sale of agricultural land is a bad idea. Excerpts:

Which leads us to the question: Why is it legitimate to acquire land for industrial use, but prohibit farmers from consolidating and expanding their landholding to improve agriculture? Why shouldn’t a farmer be able to legitimately acquire a thousand acres?

Indian industry can raise capital from the global market on the basis of a prospectus, which promises performance in the future. But Indian farmers can’t raise adequate capital on the basis of the land asset which they already possess.

However, it is critical that the value of the land of farmers, often their only asset, is maximized, and it is made simple to capitalize. The problem facing the poor is not their poverty, but inability to capitalize their assets. Typically, agricultural land hardly fetches Rs2-3 lakh per acre. Agriculture income, even if the land is cropped twice a year, can hardly be more than Rs30,000 per acre, at current productivity levels.

The industry could also offer shares or bonds in lieu of land. Or even provide alternative land if the farmer decides to continue with his vocation. In an open land market, with protected property rights and security of contract, there would be a wide range of choices to meet almost every requirement.

Very much worth reading. So do read.


Making Roads and Mortgaging Farmland

February 4, 2008

Four months ago, I wrote a post on how allowing the free sale of agricultural land for any use was the best possible move against agricultural distress. My logic in that post was:

  1. Allowing the free and easy conversion of agricultural land for residential, commercial, or industrial purposes creates a liquid market for agricultural land.
  2. The liquid market for agricultural land makes it more acceptable as collateral for lending.
  3. The existence of the liquid market also makes agricultural land more valuable.
  4. Point 2 and Point 3 combine to drive down interest rates and increase the loan amount a farmer can get against his land.
  5. This means that being indebted is not such a problem for farmers.

I now worry that I gave the impression back in October that allowing the sale and conversion of agricultural land was a magic bullet, and that once this happened we would enter a happy agricultural paradise. It isn’t. It’s necessary, but not sufficient. You need other things too. The three most important ones I can think of are:

  1. Farmers actually knowing that they can sell and mortgage their property legally, and knowing what the market rate is. Currently, anybody who wants to buy agricultural land to put up flats or a factory bribes the collector to change the land usage, buys it at a bargain basement rate from the farmer, and then goes ahead and develops it. If land sale is legalised, but the farmer doesn’t know about how much more valuable this makes the land, all that changes is that the developer no longer has to pay a bribe (or as much of one). As I mentioned in the October post, auction sales are a good mechanism to prevent this happening.
  2. Competition in the market for lending. Which means multiple banks lending to rural areas. As things currently stand, I think each Regional Rural Bank has a geographical monopoly on rural banking in its particular region. Discussing how to create viable and competitive rural banking is a blogpost in itself – many blogposts axshully. Maybe later.
  3. The agricultural land needs to be well-connected enough to urban centres that there’s demand for it. Which in turn means rural roads. Rural roads also have the advantage that they make it easier for banks to reach farmers (fulfilling Point 2), and make it easier for multiple land developers to court farmers for their land (fulfilling Point 1).

Happily, this week’s Swaminomics (h/t: Ravikiran) is all about rural roads. Key excerpts:

For every million rupees spent, roads raised 335 people above the poverty line, and R&D 323. Every million rupees spent on education reduced poverty by 109 people, and on irrigation by 67 people. The lowest returns came from subsidies that are the most popular with politicians – subsidies on credit (42 people), power (27 people) and fertilisers (24 people).

For decades, rural roads in India were neglected by most states. Besides, rural employment schemes, starting with Maharashtra’s Employment Guarantee Scheme in the 1970s, created the illusion that durable rural roads could be built with labour-intensive techniques. In practice labour-intensive roads proved not durable at all, and those built in the dry season vanished in the monsoons.

The posts on rural banking and agricultural finance will happen sometime in the future. Work is horrible this month.


The Importance of Cities

January 22, 2008

This Indian Express anchor story on how Bihari migrants send 18 crore (180 million) rupees home through money orders every year gives me a warm fuzzy feeling. The money (heh!) quotes:

Noida’s post offices send out over Rs 36 crore a year through nearly 3.65 lakh money orders.

The rise in money orders shows the growth of Noida and its migrant population. Officials say migrant workers send 95 per cent of these.

Santosh Pradhan, who runs a paan shop in Sector 33, has been sending Rs 5,000 home every month. Noida has been good to Pradhan who has to look after a family of eight.

For a saada-paan I would get just a rupee in Bihar, whereas I sell it for Rs 4 here. The profit is more and that’s the reason my whole family is doing well now,” (emphasis mine – Aadisht) he says. Pradhan claims he has been able to repay all debts in his village and is now planning to buy some land there.

When he came to the city eight years ago, he could send only Rs 10,000 a year. Two years ago, he brought his wife and two children to the big city so that “they get better education and learn English and Maths and study among the children of rich people.”

(link)

Arising out of this:

  1. This is yet more real evidence against the widespread subconscious illusion that ‘India lives in her villages.’ The problem with that is that India makes a living in her cities, and most villagers would rather live in the cities.

  2. On that note, an Urbanisation Feeds poster on the lines of Samizdata’s Socialism Kills poster would be fun.

  3. And arising out of point 1, the whole motivation behind the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act is flawed, forget the structure and the implementation. It’s easier to generate wealth in cities and then send it to villages – so what public policy should be doing is creating cities – as Atanu Dey has repeatedly been pointing out.

  4. 1.8 crore commission on 36 crores of money orders works out to 5%. SBI charges 30 rupees on a demand draft, and 0.15% on electronics funds transfer (with a minimum of Rs. 100). According to the Boston Globe article I linked yesterday, Basix charges 2%. The post office is ripping people off, but that’s because they have to cover the costs of their brick-and-mortar infrastructure. In Basix’ case, they aren’t dragging overheads around. Mobile banking matters.