St. Valentine is a Fraud

July 25, 2006

Mukesh Ambani and Sunil Bharti Mittal have done more for lovers than he ever did.


Telecom is a Special Case

July 1, 2006

Some time ago- I can’t remember the exact date- there was an argument at young Shivam’s blog about what the poster child of Indian reforms was- Shivam said it was BPO, while Gaurav Sabnis said that telecom was a better example. A link isn’t provided because that particular post was deleted when Shivam transmogrified into Albert Krishna Ali.

I realised- admittedly some months late- that Gaurav’s assertion about telecom being the poster child was slightly flawed. The telecom sector can be a poster child, but it’s a very unrealistic poster child. All other things being equal, the kind of growth the telecom sector has seen won’t be matched by any other sector.

The reason for this, of course, is the good old network effect. Telecom growth feeds on itself because every time the number of users increases, it makes even more sense for a nonuser to become a user- there are that many more people to contact when he takes a phone. On the other hand, an increase in the number of motorcycle users doesn’t make motorcycles more or less attractive to other users.

This raises two questions:

  1. Given the same level of reform, is there any other sector in India which will see the same level of growth?
  2. Out of all the industries which don’t benefit from network effects, which one can be a realistic poster child for reform?

In keeping with the grand tradition of procrastination on this blog, I will answer both of these in separate posts.


Free Trade in Landing Rights

June 29, 2006

For this reason, I am going to attempt to explain it. This is going to be rather nerdy. If Transport Blog still existed, it would be a fine post for that blog. However, it does not, so I will do it here.

The post linked to above is simply and lucidly written, and comes up with a solution to a problem. If that’s being nerdy, then we need more nerds around.


How to Encourage Corruption

June 12, 2006

It seems that people try to evade stamp duty (a tax imposed on the sale or transfer of real estate) by reporting a low price on the invoice and then paying the rest in cash. The Delhi government’s brilliant idea to solve this problem and get all the tax it’s missing out on has been to fix a minimum price on all real estate. (Incidentally, I am stunned that the Slimes of India, which broke this story did not come up with a pun involving price floors and floor areas. It just goes to show you that there is hope in this world. Or more depressingly and more likely, that the SOI staff doesn’t know enough economics to know what a price floor is.)
Anyway, I can’t see how this will remove corruption. For existing areas, it will of course only reduce corruption. People will be forced to pay at least the price floor on the invoice, but will still make up the rest in cash. But that’s for existing areas.

In the long run, this will of course increase corruption. Real estate developers who are coming up with new neighbourhoods will be bribing local officials to get their neighbourhood classified as a particular class- either upwards or downwards, depending on what they think the market will take. Whenever rates have to be adjusted to account for inflation or changes in market conditions, builder and landlord lobbies will swing into action to get the rates fixed.

We’ve already seen the effect of sixty years of a price ceiling in Bombay. Do we really need a price floor in Delhi?


This is Appalling

June 7, 2006

I am shocked, shocked, to learn that criminals and anti-social elements have been buying SIM cards with forged documents in Haryana.

Those naughty criminals! How dare they! Don’t they know that they are supposed to provide their correct identity details so that the authorities can track them down? If they pretend to be honest people like us, the whole scheme is useless. All the effort we put into getting passport photos and photocopies of identity documents will go waste.


Fun With Derivatives

June 5, 2006

Time to answer the questions raised by my post on using real estate options to pay for acquisition of land. I’ll answer the questions raised in the comments first, and then address some other issues.

Will the options be provided to displaced people free of cost, or sold? Will they be given loans to buy them? And who sells them the options?

I envisage free of cost, but that isn’t necessarily the right answer. I think that the right price will be something arrived at through trial and error, after seeing the results from many such compensation schemes. But you can have any nonzero inital price of the option, with a corresponding change in the price you exercise it at.

The options will be paid for by whoever is acquiring the land and displacing the original landholders. They will be sold by competing real estate agencies and property developers.
Does this mean that displaced people will move to the about-to-benefit regions?

No, it doesn’t. It just means that they become the landlords of the about-to-benefit regions (if they exercise the option). They collect the rent or the mortgage on the land. They don’t necessarily move in. But I’ll come back to this later.

If the government won’t even move them to any region, why will it move them to an about-to-benefit region?

Excellent question. For the government-backed Sardar Sarovar Authority, or indeed any developer, resettlement is a cost which they’d like to minimize. But if selling land to displaced people was a profitable activity, and multiple real estate vendors were competing to sell them land, this wouldn’t be a problem.

How do we reach this happy state? Well, real estate options are financial assets. You can borrow against them just as you can borrow against actual property or against shares. They become security for a property loan- and now the displaced family chooses where to buy property instead of just settling for what the government gives it.

Now, the objections I thought of myself.

This won’t work for the Narmada Dam victims, will it?

Sadly not. It’ll not work for anything at this point of time. It needs a lot of infrastructure in place before it can work.

Like what?

Ah, now we come to the meat of the matter. To make it truly effective, you need an existing large and liquid market in real estate options. The problem with this is that trading in real estate options did not actually begin until this year at the Chicago Board of Trade. Still, there’s no reason it won’t eventually catch on in India.

What if the option holder exercises the option, becomes the owner of the property, and chucks out the tenants?

Well, he would be in his rights to do so (assuming the local laws were actually biased in favour of landowners instead of tenants), but there are some ways to avoid this:

  1. Don’t allow delivery against the option. Just allow the option to be sold back to the original holder, so that the holder only gets the difference in prices, and not the real estate itself. I’m not a great fan of this one.
  2. Instead of an option on the real estate itself, make it an option on a mortgage-backed or rent-backed security, i.e., the holder will not own the real estate itself, but the right to collect all future mortgage payments or rental payments on it. This could work, but it assumes the existence of mortgage backed securities. Then again, if the Indian financial system can evolve to offer real estate options, it can surely offer mortgage backed securities, which are in much higher use.
  3. The developers of the property which is being optioned actually create surplus capacity for the prospective options. It could be done, but it would saddle them with an investment that offered no return for the life of the option. I don’t see this becoming very feasible.
  4. My personal favourite: instead of making it an option on actual real estate, make it an option on a real estate index.

What’s a real estate index?

Just as the Sensex measures the value of 30 specific stocks, and converts it into one single number, a real estate index would check property values at certain locations and convert that into a single number. You could have an all-India commercial property index based on office rents in Bangalore, Mumbai, Gurgaon, and Chennai. A Bombay residential property index based on flat rents in Andheri, Powai, Dadar, Colaba, and so on. This addresses one of the difficulties in deciding the market price of an actual piece of real estate.

What if unscrupulous property dealers offer low prices to the displaced people for their options? Those displaced people would take any amount of cash and spend it on booze instead of holding on to a piece of paper.

This is an argument against financial illiteracy, and not against options. After all, you could as easily ask ‘What if unscrupulous property dealers offer low prices to displaced people for the land they get as compensation?’.

So you do need to educate people on what the option actually does and how it can be used, but it isn’t a horribly difficult concept to explain.

And I’m not being facetious here, but cellphones can be a very powerful weapon where this is concerned. If fishermen can use them to find the market price of fish, displaced landowners can use them to find the market price of an option.

What was that you said about turning resettlement into a profitable activity?

Look, people who build a dam are good at civil engineering and project management. Not at buying land and helping people they’ve displaced to move there. So for starters, the people building a dam shouldn’t be in charge of resettlement- just pay for it.

But then should there be a single agency in charge of resettlement? No, dammit. Throw resettlement open to competition. Treat displaced people as consumers and entrepreneuers who want to buy income-generating property, not as refugees. Give them liquid assets like cash and real estate options (or even ownership-equity in the developing body) which they can use to buy land. Who sells them land? Competing property developers. Who provides them the options? Competing real estate agencies, anxious to close a deal. Once competition enters the sale of options as well as the purchase of land, displacement victims will get a much better deal. Also, the kinks in this new and untested scheme will be ironed out much faster.

I’m still doubtful about the whole thing.

I’m not surprised, because it is a whole new idea. But that’s why I’m plumping for a market in resettlement, because it’ll work out the problems much faster than I ever can.

That wraps it up. I don’t think I’ll have any more individual posts on this, though I’ll of course address all further questions in the comments.


Why should it be sacrifice?

May 25, 2006

A few months ago, a Tehelka reporter was interviewing some of us at IIM Bangalore for a special feature on the perception of leftism on Indian campuses. The interview drifted from perception of the left parties, to the question of who would speak for the poor, and then to the Narmada Bachao Andolan. Someone- I can’t remember if it was the reporter who asked if we believed in it or one of us who stated that he did- brought up the concept of ‘sacrifice’ – that the displaced people should be willing to sacrifice something for the good of the entire nation.

It’s sad. As managers, we’re supposed to look for win-win solutions. But we’re conditioned so badly by the national discourse on the Narmada dam that everything turns into a sacrifice: either the displaced people should sacrifice their land for the benefit of farmers and agriculturists, or urban residents should sacrifice their comfort to maintain traditional tribal lifestyles.

But why must either side sacrifice anything?

The transaction looks like a sacrifice because it’s terribly onesided. The victims of displacement get only land- if the incompetent administration gives it to them in the first place- while the beneficiaries of the dam get water and benefit from increasing real estate prices.

Is there any way to ensure that the people who lose their land benefit to the same extent that the people who get the water do? Yes, there is- and it relies upon the concept I introduced in the previous post– financial options.

If the development- whether it’s building a dam, or building a township on agricultural land- does what it’s supposed to, land prices will rise significantly in the area that is being developed. If the development is a dam, the acquired land will not see a price rise, but the land that does get access to irrigation thanks to the dam will see a rise in value. For a real estate development, things are even more straightforward- the acquired land is developed, and sees a rise in value.

What if you compensate the people whose land you are acquiring with call options on the land which benefits? The option can have an exercise price equal to the current price- or perhaps with a modest premium- and it can be exercised on a date after the development is expected to be complete.

(Of course, I am not suggesting that compensation should be purely in options- just that options should form part of a compensation basket that also includes land and cash.)

As you’ll recall, a call option means the option holder can buy the asset at a fixed price (which we’re assuming is the current price). Let’s say that prior to the construction of the Narmada dam, Ahmedabad residential property is trading at Rs. 300 a square foot. Displaced people are given call options to buy say, five hundred square feet of Ahmedabad residential property at exactly this price: Rs. 300. After the construction of the dam, and diversion of water to Ahmedabad, residential property rises in value thanks to improved availability of water. It’s now worth 500 rupees a square foot. Multiply the difference- two hundred rupees a square foot with the number of options: five hundred square feet- and that’s one lakh rupees. (Of course, these figures were just to illustrate the concept.) And with some neat usage of financial derivatives, we’ve solved the problem of unequal gains.
There are some problems associated with this idea that I can think of off the top of my head. I’ll discuss how to solve these in another upcoming post.


Options 101

May 23, 2006

I have been thinking about a particular topic, and I have an idea about it. This idea involves financial options. As not everyone will be familiar with these, I’ll first have a post up on the basics of options, and then write the main posts.

Let’s start.

An option is a contract to buy or sell something at a fixed price. Stock options are the best known sort of options, thanks to things like Employee Stock Option Programs. An option is not the thing itself- just the right to trade in that thing.

Let’s illustrate this. Suppose I run a company called Maajorly Shadymax Arbit Fundaes Public Limited, which employs lots of people to post arbit fundaes on blogs all over the internet (we can debate the profitability of this business model elsewhere). MSAF Ltd. currently has a share price of Rs. 100.

I now issue options on MSAF Ltd. to all my employees. This option allows them to buy a share of MSAF Ltd. at Rs. 120 on June 1, 2007.

What happens on June 1, 2007? Two possible things:

  1. The share price is below Rs. 120- Rs. 110, say. The option is worthless. Buying the share at Rs. 120 makes no sense when you could buy it on the market for Rs. 110
  2. The share price is Rs. 120 or more. Now, the option is worth something. In fact, it is worth exactly the difference between the market price and Rs. 120. If the market price is Rs. 125, then the option is worth Rs. 5. If it’s Rs. 130, the option is worth Rs. 10. How do we get this? Simple, you use the option to buy a share at Rs. 120, and then immediately sell the share at the market price. The profit you make is what the option is worth.

What we’ve just discussed is called a call option, since we’re talking about the right to buy an asset. What if the option had not been to buy a share at Rs. 120, but to sell it? The same thing, but in reverse. If the market price had been above Rs. 120, then the option would have been worthless- why sell at Rs. 120 when you can sell at a higher price in the market? If the market price had been Rs. 110, the option would have been worth Rs. 10- you could have bought a share at Rs. 110 and sold it at Rs. 120 thanks to the option. An option like this which gives you the right to sell an asset is called a put option.

I’ve talked about the special case of what the option is worth when you have to use it, but it’ll be worth something even before June 1, 2007- what it will be worth will depend on people’s estimate of what the stock price is actually going to be on June 1, but it will have a value- and you can sell the option itself for that value.

One final thing before this little primer is complete. My example used shares, but it could have been anything else. I could have an option to buy a barrel of oil for seventy five dollars on August 1, 2006. Or I could have an option to sell a million dollars at 45.5 rupees a dollar on July 1, 2006. It’s easiest to explain with shares, but you can have an option on virtually any kind of asset.

That’s all you need to know about options in the context of the post I’m going to make. For a more detailed discussion, do read the Wikipedia entry, which also has some very user-friendly diagrams.


Because They Never Had Banks?

March 11, 2006

I’ve been mugging, scouring Wikipedia for decent fundaes, and reading Cryptonomicon and The Baroque Cycle, and I’ve been coming up with some interesting connections.

The Baroque Cycle is about a lot of things- it’s a quizzers delight that way- but one of the important subplots is about how modern banking developed- starting with moneylending, discounting bills of receipts, and taking gold deposits, and evolving on from there. This took place in the late seventeenth century: the 1660s onwards- in fact, just before the English middle class began to grow.

Can we say that the English middle class was helped by the presence of banks? To an extent, of course. It wouldn’t have been the only contributing factor, but banks would have helped to move capital from landowners to merchants. This would lead to the rise of the East India Company, but it also helped power to shift from landed nobles to urban ‘gentlemen’ and merchants. The Guild of Grocers, one of the most powerful political bodies in London at this time, was not composed of small-time fruit-and-vegetable sellers, but of merchant princes who imported and exported in bulk- hence the name: they bought and sold in gross.

This shift in economic power also led to a shift in political power. The new merchants and colonialists were represented in Parliament by the Whigs, who were of course keen to cater to their constituency- and grow it. The middle class bloomed. The Whigs put limits on the power of the king, and encouraged the growth of financial markets and banks- which further helped commerce and the middle class to grow. About a hundred and fifty years later, their brand of liberalism would see its greatest success with the abolishing of slavery throughout the British Empire.

What about the Muslim world?

Banks run into a problem here. The Koran does not just prohibit usury, as the Bible does, but it prohibits all financial transactions involving interest. The first bank in the Ottoman Empire was not started until 1856, and then it was established as an English concern. Even now, there is widespread opposition in Arabian countries to traditional interest-based banking, which has led to the evolution of Islamic Banking.

Did the lack of (and opposition to) banking and financial services retard the growth of a middle class in Arab countries? Probably. Has this historical absence of a middle class contributed to democracy being so weak in Arab countries today? Very likely. Is it the only reason? Of course not, but is it a major reason? That’s a question which deserves more research.

And if it is, then Islamic banking, complicated though its contracts may be, might just help an Arab middle class to develop. Which is good for them, and good for everyone else too.

By the way, you may find these links useful or interesting:

The 1688-1750 Financial Revolution.
The Chronology of Money.


Spice Telecom on the Right Track

March 3, 2006

Spice, the also-ran cellular operator in Karnataka has been trying to rebrand itself over the past few months. It doesn’t have the muscle or subscriber base of an Airtel or a Hutch, so it’s been fighting where it can: innovation in VAS.

I’m not sure how much of a market some of their stuff would have- things like keeping your organiser on a server and accessing it by SMS: the sort of people who would need a calendar regularly could probably afford a PDA anyway. Then, stuff like video ringtones is nothing really differentiated.

When I was out shopping yesterday, though, I noticed something much more interesting: the ‘2gether’ plans. (Links: 99 rupee postpaid, 250 rupee prepaid)

This is a regular potspaid plan. You get to call one other number at discounted rates, which is nothing new. What is new is that they throw in a little bit extra: the two numbers are next to each other. Spice is pitching this as a plan for young couples. The advertising is all big red hearts and cupids.

Again, this might not actually work. I don’t know how many young couples in Bangalore, leave alone the rest of Karnataka would actually want to advertise their relationship status. When Samanth calls up his mother to tell her that his number has changed, so that he can now be one number before Shilpa, sparks will fly.

Leaving that aside, Spice is still on the right track, even if this particular plan might not work. Selling connections to all the people who call each other together is a much better idea than selling to individual customers, who might use it only to receive incoming calls from landlines for all you know. This way, you’re definitely getting most of the call volume for yourself.

In fact, I’m shocked that Airtel or Reliance haven’t come up with something like this for families. Both have their own number series (99 for Airtel and 93 for Reliance) so it’s not like they have a constraint on available adjacent numbers. American cellphone operators have been doing this for years now, and in fact go a little bit extra by putting all the numbers together on one single bill. It’s not as if they have to come up with a completely new model, they just have to imitate whatever Verizon and AT&T are doing. And Airtel is usually quick to pick up whatever works overseas: they saw the Easy Charge system in the Philippines and installed it in India practically overnight.

Hmm. So maybe they’re already doing it. I think the next six months might just see one of the big three private players aggressively marketing adjacent numbers and a unified bill for families. Let’s see.